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  1. Documents: Artifacts Of Modern Knowledge.
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Documents: Artifacts of Modern Knowledge

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Vehs P. Ye, J. Documents of Documents 1 I Documents of Documents 1 Turner 1 Turner is a critic of science studies' conceptualization of the causal. The "voice" of that narrative is a unified one,.

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Godlee, Fiona. Definition of "Authorship" May be Changed. British Medical. Conditions of the Emergence of the "Author. Criteria such as "name," "language," "reli-. Criteria on the autograph such as "hates," "worst moment," "happiest. E d ucation Girls I like Name: Jolcrc Nickname: Jay flaidrt Age: Village: l3acwrsfs otofrCpfuJDfatrfct Town residence: deoe. Favourite drink: coo water My wantok: Puare, Sores Skltxoaar, Terra Happiest moment: lecwivG'ythiaracoaecf.

Admired person Admired gang: Koucoer Gang: Ju r Jsro a f Tokca' Girls I like: a-ifmple'v gc'rla,mynay ert Ambition: trae'd a- tovrfat Revenge: wsoftvce- ep escvcourfr bulmto rdc The criteria of the autograph-"nickname," "favourite food," "girls I like,". At this point the analogy with combat gets rather strained. But they are not "real" bullet points.

Lucidity and Science, or the Two Sides of the Platonic. Strathern, Marilyn. Wright, Susan, ed. Anthropology of Organizations. London: Routledge. It was part of the hosting clan's own "attendance" on. Kayap6 value, at once social, moral, and aesthetic, of "beauty. Riles has noted, vivivi is "not actually a specific number of mats" , Therefore, the mats in a vivivi are "counted not as concrete 'objects' but as. What is interesting is that in Document A as well. Read Free For 30 Days. Annelise Riles - Documents. Artifacts of Modern Knowledge. Flag for inappropriate content.

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Michel Callon, Michel Foucault and the Dispositif. When Economics Fails to Be Performative. Callon Some Elements of a Sociology of Translation. Bourdieu, Pierre Algeria The disenchantment of the world, The sense of honour, The Kabyle house or the world reversed.


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  • Artefacts of Modern Knowlodge. Jump to Page. Search inside document. Copyright by the University of Michigan All rights reserved Published in the United States of America by The University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America O Printed on acid-free paper 4 3 2 I No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher.

    Academic and Bureaucratic Knowledge i. Reforming Promise 41 Don Brenneis 2. Authorship and Agency 3. Heimer 4. Collaboration and Response 6. National Science Foundation: Information for Reviewers 50 1. Physical Review Letters, vol. Warrant Cover 16oi 5. Autograph 5.

    Warrant Cover 5. Autograph 7. Raphael Allen at the University of Michigan Press has done more for this manuscript than any author could ever hope for, and we thank him for his vision, his confidence, and his care.

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    Documents: Artifacts of Modern Knowledge - Semantic Scholar

    Across the social and human sciences, the arts, and the professions, ethnography excites, provokes, and intrigues. In the academy in particular, in disciplines from law, sociology, and economics to literary criticism, scholars are turning to ethnographic work as a way out of overdetermined paradigms, as a theoretically sophisticated antidote to the excesses of the- ory. This volume foregrounds a particular aspect of the ethnographic enter- prise. Our specific focus is not the new subjects of ethnographic work, per se, but the nature of ethnographic knowledge itself.

    And within that knowl- edge, we draw attention to a particular aspect or dimension of ethno- graphic work: the act of ethnographic conceptualization and response. We are interested in how ethnographers conceive, grasp, appreciate, see pat- terns-or rather, in a telling colloquialism, how certain insights or patterns "come to them.

    And most of all, we draw attention to, and experiment with, anthropologists' response to their subjects, and to one another, as a form of ethical and epistemological engagement. The volume is organized around one particular ethnographic artifact, the document. And why documents, of all things, a subject that Bruno Latour has termed "the most despised of all ethnographic sub- jects" , 54?

    Documents provide a useful point of entry into contem- porary problems of ethnographic method for a number of reasons.

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    First, there is a long and rich tradition of studies of documents in the humanities and social sciences. Second, documents are paradigmatic artifacts of mod- ern knowledge practices. Indeed, ethnographers working in any corner of the world almost invariably must contend with documents of some kind or another.

    Documents thus provide a ready-made ground for experimenta- tion with how to apprehend modernity ethnographically. At the moment when scholars in other fields are, in increasing num- bers, embracing ethnography, anthropologists, whose discipline gave birth to the method, pose questions. Anthropologists are now profoundly aware of their own complicity in local articulations of global political forces, and they are concerned about the ethical implications of their relationship to their subjects Turner Experiences with translocal forces of decolonization, economic turmoil, and militarization have sewn fears that ethnographic accounts of particular places may actually obscure, rather than illuminate, the impact of wider political and eco- nomic forces.

    In a world in which the people anthropologists formally referred to as "informants" now often attend academic conferences and speak in the language of anthropological theory, moreover, uncanny con- nections and ironic alliances abound in anthropological discussions of the way globalization has altered the nature of the "field" and the task of fieldwork Marcus b, 4; Tsing At the same time, anthropolo- gists' ethnographic encounters with new agents and artifacts-subjects such as financial instruments, biotechnologies, social movements, robots, scientific and legal theories, even academic bureaucracies-have raised new questions about the limits of traditional ethnographic description and analysis.

    Moreover, if anthropologists ever truly believed that facts were "col- lected" in the "field" rather than produced collaboratively in the intersub- jective experience of the ethnographic encounter, they have abandoned any such pretense.